|
WHY
DOES FRANCE HELP DICTATORS?
by
Aung San Suu Kyi
Le
Nouvel Observateur (France), May 18-24, 2000
Awarded
the Nobel Peace Prize in 1991, the founder of the National League for
Democracy was "released" in 1995 after six years of house arrest, but
is still forbidden to leave Rangoon. She here delivers judgement on Total's
role in Burma, the influence of drugs on the local economy, the future
of the dictatorship and the attitude of France.
Le
Nouvel Observateur: A French parliamentary mission came last year to enquire
on the impact of Total's gas pipeline in Burma, and its report recommends
the freezing of the Company's activities. What do you think of that?
Aung San Suu Kyi: I of course approve such a recommendation. In the early
90's, at the development stage of the project, Total offered the hope
of substantial revenues to a military junta that had just taken power
by force, as well as beating a path that would be followed by other investors.
The Yadana pipeline has today become a source of pride to the dictatorship.
Moreover this investment enables it to legitimize its power.
N.
O. : The Burmese Army has been accused of violation of human rights during
the construction and since the putting into operation of the pipeline.
What information have you on this question?
Aung San S. K. : For the past eleven years I have been authorized neither
to leave Rangoon nor to travel about the country, but I do not see why
the Army, which is in charge of security of the project, would behave
differently in the pipeline area to everywhere else in Burma. The military
authorities are like an army of occupation in their own country. The population
is imposable at will for forced labour to build roads, bridges, clear
undergrowth, carry munitions ... The pipeline area being a zone of conflict
with the ethnic minorities, the soldiers there have unbridled rights.
N. O. : The management of Total insists that the pipeline benefits the
local population.
Aung San S. K. : The pipeline benefits perhaps several people in the area,
but not the majority, who on the contrary bear the costs.
N.
O. : How do you explain the attitude of Total when confronted with the
criticisms of those defending human rights, and what is your position
regarding foreign investments in Burma?
Aung San S. K. : We are opposed to foreign investment in the country on
account of the political situation and because only the military and a
small cluster of businessmen gain any benefit thereby. Total has taken
upon itself the responsibility of investing massively in Burma while others
decided to withdraw for ethical reasons. The Company must bear the consequences.
The country will not forever be governed by dictators.
N.
O. : Would you envisage a revision of the contract if your party comes
to power?
Aung San S. K. : We shall consider that when the time comes. It is not
out of the question.
N.
O. : Have the heads of the French Company attempted to meet you?
Aung San S. K. : They expressed a desire to do so last year, but I have
not yet set eyes on them. (smiling:) They must taken fright.
N.
O. : What is your opinion of France's role in Burma at the present time?
Aung San S. K. : This is a real mystery to me. Fifty-five percent of the
tourists are French, and France is the principal European investor in
the country. (smiling:) Perhaps the French are not well-informed of the
situation in Burma.
N.
O. : The generals that run Burma never cease repeating that there is no
opposition ...
Aung San S. K. : On that point I agree with them. There is no opposition
... Since we are the legitimate government, elected by a majority of the
Burmese people in May 1990.
N.
O. : It seems that you are the main target of the regime. Would you be
prepared to stand down in order to break the political deadlock?
Aung San S. K. : The SPDC (State Peace and Development Council) uses me
as a pretext for not engaging in talks. When I was under house arrest,
from 1989 to 1995, no-one attempted to contact the NLD (National League
for Democracy). If I was not around, they would find another ploy.
N.
O. : The military authorities say you are more and more isolated, that
you no longer have the same popular support as before ...
Aung San S. K. : For obvious security reasons we do not publish the list
of NLD members. But I can assure you that support for us has not dropped
since the years 1988-89 when the population voted massively for the NLD.
The thirst for democracy is stronger than ever, for the Burmese have suffered
much more since 1988, under the present dictatorship, than under those
of preceding regimes. In reality, the gulf is widening between the Army
and the population; it is a sign there is no hope for this regime.
N.
O. : The World Bank offered, in vain, a billion [U.S. billion; U.K. -
thousand million ] dollars of aid in exchange for opening talks. The United
Nations have equally tried to intervene. How can one break the political
deadlock?
Aung San S. K. : Our position has been clear for the past ten years: the
talking must start. Today the ball is in the government's camp. But the
junta fears us, just as it fears the students. The universities have been
closed for the past four years and will probably not be reopened, since
they are being converted into administrative buildings.
N.
O. : What is the state of the country, twelve years after seizure of power
by the military?
Aung San S. K. : Burma is suffering full economic stagnation, is plagued
with runaway inflation, and the junta tightens its grip while at the same
time doing business with a small minority. They create military academies,
buy arms, and have just increased the defence budget, which is eight times
that for education and health.
N.
O. : According to the Observatoire Geopolitique des Drogues [Geopolitical
Watchdog on Drugs] Burma is today the prime world producer of heroin,
along with Afghanistan. What role in your opinion do drugs play in the
Burmese economy?
Aung San S. K. : An important role. Very large fortunes are being made
in a short time in the Rangoon of today. That is an indication. And it
can only happen under the control of the military.
N.
O. : The United Nations High Commission for Refugees is due shortly to
commence, in collaboration with the Rangoon government, the repatriation
of 110,000 refugees massed along the Thai border. What do you think of
that?
Aung San S. K. : It is a matter for concern. The United Nations are organizing
the return to a dictatorship of people obliged to flee it, without anything
having been resolved.
N.
O. : Do you ever lose patience?
Aung San S. K. : I am calm. I know that ours is a righteous struggle.
Burma will be democratic.
N.
O. : Do you think you will one day be head of a democratic government
in Burma.
Aung San S. K. : The future will tell. It is difficult to escape one's
destiny.
Interview
by GUILLAUME LEGER
(per
kind favor of Eric Bruce Johnston)
The
above is a translation of an article in the French weekly magazine "Le
Nouvel Observateur" dated 18th/24th May 2000.
|