Daw Aung San Suu Kyi

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WHY DOES FRANCE HELP DICTATORS?
by
Aung San Suu Kyi

Le Nouvel Observateur (France), May 18-24, 2000

Awarded the Nobel Peace Prize in 1991, the founder of the National League for Democracy was "released" in 1995 after six years of house arrest, but is still forbidden to leave Rangoon. She here delivers judgement on Total's role in Burma, the influence of drugs on the local economy, the future of the dictatorship and the attitude of France.

Le Nouvel Observateur: A French parliamentary mission came last year to enquire on the impact of Total's gas pipeline in Burma, and its report recommends the freezing of the Company's activities. What do you think of that?
Aung San Suu Kyi: I of course approve such a recommendation. In the early 90's, at the development stage of the project, Total offered the hope of substantial revenues to a military junta that had just taken power by force, as well as beating a path that would be followed by other investors. The Yadana pipeline has today become a source of pride to the dictatorship. Moreover this investment enables it to legitimize its power.

N. O. : The Burmese Army has been accused of violation of human rights during the construction and since the putting into operation of the pipeline. What information have you on this question?
Aung San S. K. : For the past eleven years I have been authorized neither to leave Rangoon nor to travel about the country, but I do not see why the Army, which is in charge of security of the project, would behave differently in the pipeline area to everywhere else in Burma. The military authorities are like an army of occupation in their own country. The population is imposable at will for forced labour to build roads, bridges, clear undergrowth, carry munitions ... The pipeline area being a zone of conflict with the ethnic minorities, the soldiers there have unbridled rights.

N. O. : The management of Total insists that the pipeline benefits the local population.
Aung San S. K. : The pipeline benefits perhaps several people in the area, but not the majority, who on the contrary bear the costs.

N. O. : How do you explain the attitude of Total when confronted with the criticisms of those defending human rights, and what is your position regarding foreign investments in Burma?
Aung San S. K. : We are opposed to foreign investment in the country on account of the political situation and because only the military and a small cluster of businessmen gain any benefit thereby. Total has taken upon itself the responsibility of investing massively in Burma while others decided to withdraw for ethical reasons. The Company must bear the consequences. The country will not forever be governed by dictators.

N. O. : Would you envisage a revision of the contract if your party comes to power?
Aung San S. K. : We shall consider that when the time comes. It is not out of the question.

N. O. : Have the heads of the French Company attempted to meet you?
Aung San S. K. : They expressed a desire to do so last year, but I have not yet set eyes on them. (smiling:) They must taken fright.

N. O. : What is your opinion of France's role in Burma at the present time?
Aung San S. K. : This is a real mystery to me. Fifty-five percent of the tourists are French, and France is the principal European investor in the country. (smiling:) Perhaps the French are not well-informed of the situation in Burma.

N. O. : The generals that run Burma never cease repeating that there is no opposition ...
Aung San S. K. : On that point I agree with them. There is no opposition ... Since we are the legitimate government, elected by a majority of the Burmese people in May 1990.

N. O. : It seems that you are the main target of the regime. Would you be prepared to stand down in order to break the political deadlock?
Aung San S. K. : The SPDC (State Peace and Development Council) uses me as a pretext for not engaging in talks. When I was under house arrest, from 1989 to 1995, no-one attempted to contact the NLD (National League for Democracy). If I was not around, they would find another ploy.

N. O. : The military authorities say you are more and more isolated, that you no longer have the same popular support as before ...
Aung San S. K. : For obvious security reasons we do not publish the list of NLD members. But I can assure you that support for us has not dropped since the years 1988-89 when the population voted massively for the NLD. The thirst for democracy is stronger than ever, for the Burmese have suffered much more since 1988, under the present dictatorship, than under those of preceding regimes. In reality, the gulf is widening between the Army and the population; it is a sign there is no hope for this regime.

N. O. : The World Bank offered, in vain, a billion [U.S. billion; U.K. - thousand million ] dollars of aid in exchange for opening talks. The United Nations have equally tried to intervene. How can one break the political deadlock?
Aung San S. K. : Our position has been clear for the past ten years: the talking must start. Today the ball is in the government's camp. But the junta fears us, just as it fears the students. The universities have been closed for the past four years and will probably not be reopened, since they are being converted into administrative buildings.

N. O. : What is the state of the country, twelve years after seizure of power by the military?
Aung San S. K. : Burma is suffering full economic stagnation, is plagued with runaway inflation, and the junta tightens its grip while at the same time doing business with a small minority. They create military academies, buy arms, and have just increased the defence budget, which is eight times that for education and health.

N. O. : According to the Observatoire Geopolitique des Drogues [Geopolitical Watchdog on Drugs] Burma is today the prime world producer of heroin, along with Afghanistan. What role in your opinion do drugs play in the Burmese economy?
Aung San S. K. : An important role. Very large fortunes are being made in a short time in the Rangoon of today. That is an indication. And it can only happen under the control of the military.

N. O. : The United Nations High Commission for Refugees is due shortly to commence, in collaboration with the Rangoon government, the repatriation of 110,000 refugees massed along the Thai border. What do you think of that?
Aung San S. K. : It is a matter for concern. The United Nations are organizing the return to a dictatorship of people obliged to flee it, without anything having been resolved.

N. O. : Do you ever lose patience?
Aung San S. K. : I am calm. I know that ours is a righteous struggle. Burma will be democratic.

N. O. : Do you think you will one day be head of a democratic government in Burma.
Aung San S. K. : The future will tell. It is difficult to escape one's destiny.

Interview by GUILLAUME LEGER

(per kind favor of Eric Bruce Johnston)

The above is a translation of an article in the French weekly magazine "Le Nouvel Observateur" dated 18th/24th May 2000.