NCGUB

• The Birth of the NCGUB • Members • Partnerships • Offices • Strategy 2000-2001 • Declarations • Publications • Newsletters, News Desk Printable Version

17 September 2001

Office of Strategic Studies
News coming in from Burma says there has been a significant reshuffling in the Defense Services, particularly within the intelligence agencies. With the intelligence wing led by Lt Gen Khin Nyunt known to be in serious contention with the combat wing headed by Gen Maung Aye, changes particularly in the smaller intelligence wing may lead to a shift of power within the military hierarchy. A report from Rangoon has gone as far as to suggest that the Office of Strategic Studies (OSS) has been downsized and that the officers in the OSS reassigned to other posts.

The OSS under the Directorate of Defense Services Intelligence has been responsible for framing many of the ruling junta's policies and strategies, particularly in international relations and in establishing cease-fire agreements with non-Burman ethnic resistance organizations. It is the brainchild of the Director of Intelligence Lt Gen Khin Nyunt, and its demise, if proved true, would indicate the waning of power for the powerful intelligence chief who is the third senior ranking general in the ruling State Peace and Development Council (SPDC).

To confirm the story, NewsDesk checked out reports on the OSS in the Burmese media sources. A reference to the intelligence body last appeared in the New Light of Myanmar 27 August issue when Minister Col Tin Hlaing departed for a ministerial meeting on drug control in China together with OSS Head of Department Col Kyaw Thein.

The Source behind the 'Rumor'
The report concerning the OSS may also have been sparked by a recent reshuffle within the Air Force whose officers also hold high ranks in the OSS. The reshuffle is believed to be result of the dismissal of former Air Force Commander in Chief Lt Gen Kyaw Than following the helicopter crash that killed Army Lt Gen Tin Oo, the number two man in the SPDC.

In the reshuffle, a "Head of Department" in the OSS (Air Force) Col Thein Swe was named as the chief of Air Force external intelligence unit. Another officer, known to be the "favorite" of Lt Gen Khin Nyunt, Lt Col Sithu, was appointed as the deputy chief of Border Security under the Air Force's Intelligence Unit. Both the new positions are considered as promotions for the two officers but their future roles in the OSS are yet unknown. Col Thein Swe, the former military attaché to Thailand, according to diplomats, "speaks flawless English" and was said to be instrumental in the establishment of the first "independent" English-language newspaper "Myanmar Times" (also publishes in Burmese now).

The other transfers in the Air Force last month were:

Lt Col Ko Ko Maung, General Staff Officer of the Air Force Intelligence, appointed as military attaché to Thailand

Col Myat Hein, commander of Meiktila Airbase, transferred to the Air Force Commander in Chief's Office (AFCICO).

Col Khin Maung Tin from the AFCICO was appointed as commander of Meiktila Airbase.

The Name Game
The NCGUB Information Office has been receiving some strange phone calls lately. We get our fair share of callers every week enquiring about whether we were the "Myanmar Embassy," but the frequency of calls this past few weeks has been more than usual and curiously enough most of them were from U.S. importers. We naturally became interested and spoke at length to a caller who identified himself as "an importer." We enquired what his call was about and he explained, "You know, I am just an importer and have nothing to do with politics. And I know nothing much about your country. But, the U.S. Customs has told us that the goods we import from your country must come with a 'Burma' label because using 'Myanmar' as a country of origin was not legal. Is there anything you can do?" Of course, we can't. But, we now know that the sudden interest in us has something to do with the "Burma" vs. "Myanmar" issue.

The democracy movement has since the very beginning refused to recognize the name change by the generals. The reason has been that the name, "Burma," chosen by the people since the country regained its independence should not be changed by a group of generals without a referendum. To support the name change would be tantamount to encouraging authoritarianism.

The Free Burma Coalition and Burma activists some time ago had written letters to U.S. Senators and sought their support to ban imports from Burma if they came in under the "Myanmar" label. The senators were reported to have protested to the Customs Department for allowing goods to be imported under the "Myanmar" label and the U.S. Customs has finally decided to act on it.

The Talks
There was some positive outcome from the recent visit to Rangoon by UN Special Envoy Razali Ishmael: the release of NLD officials. But it did not seem to make much of headway in advancing the talks between Daw Aung San Suu Kyi and the generals in the State Peace and Development Council (SPDC). News agencies had quoted the special envoy as saying that he was "quietly optimistic" about the talks but from all appearances the process does not seem to have moved beyond the "confidence building and talks about talks" stage.

According to news agency reports, Daw Aung San Suu Kyi's "priority list" of some 200 political prisoners submitted to the SPDC for release to create an atmosphere of trust has yet to be realized. Not taking into account the 100 NLD youths and other members released between January and May after they were detained for seeing Daw Aung San Suu Kyi off at the Rangoon Railways Station, only 65 elected NLD representatives and officials have been released since June; the time the list was submitted to the SPDC through the UN special envoy.

Nevertheless, NLD leaders have taken steps to indicate that they are prepared to proceed with the talks. The NLD Central Executive Committee has named Chairman U Aung Shwe and Daw Aung San Suu Kyi as the key persons for the talks. In an announcement on 26 August, the committee said, "In accordance with the mandate given by state and divisional and township executive committees Chairman U Aung Shwe and General Secretary Daw Aung San Suu Kyi will work very closely and in unity to strive for the development of democracy."

Chairman U Aung Shwe, 83, and Vice Chairman U Tin Oo, 75, were released on 26 August just in time for the visit of the Special UN Envoy. The two leaders were taken to Daw Aung San Suu Kyi's residence immediately after the restrictions were lifted. U Tin Oo told Reuters, "I am more optimistic about the talks. I feel we are gaining more understanding."

The Junta's Approach
According to Thai press, Lt Gen Khin Nyunt had told Thai leaders during his Thai visit earlier this month that he expected "good news" to emerge soon from talks with Daw Aung San Suu Kyi. The reports said Defense Minister Chavalit Yongchaiyudh was assured by Khin Nyunt that the junta was working for "... a political system that works for the people and the country with a peaceful reconciliation approach." Chavalit told The Bangkok Post, "We expect to see every party in Burma join together to set up a government to work for the people and the country" and that "Khin Nyunt had been meeting with Daw Aung San Suu Kyi every two weeks and they understood each other well."

But NLD spokesman U Lwin told the BBC "That's not the case...He (Khin Nyunt) hasn't seen her for several months." U Lwin added that he knew nothing about the power sharing arrangement and that "there was in fact no dialogue process going on at present." He added: "We are waiting for the military to make an offer." U Lwin said the party was waiting for more releases of political prisoners and were very hopeful that this might happen in the near future. U Lwin however confirmed that a military intelligence liaison officer was calling on Aung San Suu Kyi "at least once a week."

The discrepancy in Khin Nyunt's statement abroad about the so-called progress of the talks and the real situation in the country reflect the tactical approach the junta has adopted. The junta has been exploiting the ongoing talks to promote its image and gain acceptance the world over while dragging out the actual talk process as much as possible.

The tactic seems to be working in some quarters. To cite a few examples, Japan is showing eagerness to reward the generals and even Thailand, which a few months back was fighting intruding Burmese troops at the border, promising substantial aid packages for crop substitution programs and major economic cooperation.

The Facts
Back home, there is little to indicate the junta's assurances abroad are having an impact on what some senior junta officials in Burma are doing. At the first quarter coordination meeting of the General Administration Department in July, Minister for Home Affairs Col Tin Hlaing was warning his people not to give in to the NLD's requests to reopen offices because the process was being allowed "in a phase by phase approach" and that "only certain townships" were being given permission to reopen offices. Tin Hlaing said, "...Just because permission had been granted in Rangoon, care should be taken not to presume that the same rule holds true for the whole country." The minister accused the NLD of "taking advantage" and "acting beyond the permission given." "They are filling up their vacant township executive committee member posts and have been sending us letters that their headquarters has acknowledged and approved the appointments."

"Our government knows about it, and since we want to resolve a political problem through a gentle and tactical political approach, we are allowing them to do so. It is vital that state and divisional administrators astutely understand the situation," the minister told the nation's regional authorities.

The Talks & Non-Burman Ethnic Nationalities
The United Nations has mandated the UN Special Envoy to resolve Burma's problem by facilitating talks between the NLD and the SPDC. One of the UN resolutions also requires that the dialogue is "tripartite"--to include non-Burman ethnic nationalities in the talk process so that the political problem in Burma is resolved with the active participation of non-Burman ethnic nationalities. But, at this stage, the junta is reluctant to let ethnic representatives join in the national reconciliation process.

Home Affairs Minister Col Tin Hlaing said, "...opposition groups overseas and (Burmese service) radio stations have been raising the issue of (non-Burman) ethnic participation in the talk process. In our meeting with the UN representative, we have said that the peace agreement that the State has concluded with (non-Burman) nationalities isn't that long yet, that regional development tasks being undertaken by the government with them are still underway, that it was essential to consolidate the regional development efforts, and that they are still bearing arms. Therefore, they are not yet in a position to join the political stage. The UN representative accepted the explanation." Explaining that there are still groups inside the country and insurgents abroad who are trying to create instability in the country, he added that "State and divisional administrative authorities are to understand that we are completely against tripartite."

Views of Ethnic Non-Burman Leaders
BBC recently conducted an interview with top non-Burman ethnic leaders. U Khun Tun Oo, leader of the Shan Nationalities League for Democracy that won 23 seats--the second largest number of seats after the NLD, and Dr. Saw Mra Aung who is the chairperson of the Committee Representing People's Parliament (a legitimate body mandated by elected representatives to act on their behalf before the Parliament can be convened) and also the chairperson of the Arakan League for Democracy (11 seats).

In the interview, Khun Tun Oo said, "To speak frankly, two-way talk is good before there is tripartite talk because of the current situation. In our country, the crisis is in economics, social issues, education, health care and every issue. We ethnic people can emphasize only our own issues." However, in another part of the interview he said, "It's good if Daw Suu talks about the ethnic issue. I do hope she will talk. However, as I said before, only ethnic people know about the problems they have been suffering for years. Daw Suu alone or SPDC alone cannot solve the problem... Therefore two-way talk is important before the tripartite dialogue. When there are reconciliation conditions, we want talks to be tripartite. I hope it will happen."

Dr Saw Mra Aung told BBC, "We assume that she (Daw Suu) will discuss general issues including the ethnic people. This is because we have talked about the federation of eight states many times before. Now, she is the one and only person who has contacts with SPDC to talk. She understands everything. Let her do her job. We believe that she will not do anything wrong."

Meanwhile, leaders from major non-Burman ethnic nationality organizations met at Law Khii Lah camp in Kawthoolei at the end of August. They have declared that the Ethnic Nationalities forces would "undertake pro-active and constructive actions to bring about a peaceful resolution of the political conflict in Burma through a dialogue process involving the SPDC, the NLD led by Daw Aung San Suu Kyi, and the Ethnic Nationalities as dialogue partners." They declared that they would "strive to facilitate an orderly and peaceful democratic transition in Burma and to rebuild the country in accordance with the spirit of Panglong (the first national conference in 1947 that resulted in the Panglong Agreement of many ethnic nationalities, including Burmans), the principle of Equality, Self-determination, Democracy, and Justice."

Military Confiscates Farms, Makes Farmers Volunteer for Farm Work
A few years back, the top brass ordered that all military units must strive to become self-sufficient in food. Complying with the orders regional military commanders confiscated farms belonging to the local people and made former farm owners volunteer for work on the agricultural and livestock breeding farms now taken over by the military. Many farmers have suffered from the military takeover, and information reaching the NewsDesk only confirms the extent of the problem.

A report from Ye Township in Mon State says 28 farmers lost 305.88 acres to the 586th Regiment in Tu Myaung area, 28 more lost 347.50 acres to 587th Regiment in Ayu Kundu region, 21 peasants lost 329 acres to 588th Regiment in Mauk Kanin, and eight farmers lost 31 acres to the Tactical Operations Unit 19 in Annawar region.

The farmlands taken over were rubber, betel nut, and lemon plantations and rice farms.