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• Daw Aung San Suu Kyi • Dr.Sein Win • others Printable Version

Address to the FDL-AP Conference, Seoul
"Democratization of Burma"
By
Dr. Sein Win,
Prime Minister
National Coalition Government of the Union of Burma June 22-25, 1999

I am honored to address this important meeting today on behalf of my colleagues, the duly elected representatives of the citizens of Burma, and the people who elected us. I would like to begin by thanking conference organizers and everyone who played a role in making this opportunity possible. Your initiative and hard work to make this meeting a success is appreciated by us all.

I would also like to thank the distinguished guests and participants at this important meeting - you who are long-term supporters of the cause of a free and democratic Burma. I would particularly like to thank former President Corazon Aquino of the Philippines and President Kim Dae Jung of the Republic of Korea, two courageous and steadfast leaders of democracy and the cause of Burma. Without all of you and your unwavering support and friendship, there would be no hope for our country.

We are gathered here because of a shared commitment to the people of Burma and a deep frustration over the deteriorating conditions in which they are forced to live. We are also here because of a shared sense of frustration with the lack of progress toward ending the political and diplomatic stalemate and bringing this nightmare to a close.

I want you all to know that I sincerely appreciate your commitment to our country and share your frustration and anger at the unacceptable state of affairs that continues to imprison our people. The horror inside of Burma is of no surprise to anyone in this room. The reality is that this horror continues to get worse: gross human rights violations, arbitrary arrests, extra-judicial killings, rape, torture have become a way of life in much of Burma - especially so in non-Burman ethnic areas such as the Shan and Karen states.

As living conditions continue to worsen, the level of brutal repression by the military has increased considerably over the last year. These conditions directly followed the acceptance of Burma as a permanent member of ASEAN. And it is here where we can find an excellent lesson for how we should and should not proceed in the future.

There were those who argued that acceptance of Burma into ASEAN would have a positive affect with the regime. They argued that engagement with Burma, without conditions, would lead to progress. Aung San Suu Kyi argued against the admission of Burma into ASEAN for two principle reasons:

First, that it would make the regime more repressive, because without conditions, the generals would see their admittance as a seal of approval. Or, at the very least, a sign that ASEAN countries do not care about the human rights record and brutal behavior of the regime. Without restraint on the behavior of the regime, increased repression would surely follow.

Second, that under the current military regime, Burma would not be an asset to ASEAN. Over a year has passed. With the benefit of experience we can now clearly see and unmistakably conclude that the engagement advocates who argued for the admission of Burma into ASEAN were wrong. Engagement without conditions does not lead to progress. This kind of engagement makes the regime less responsible, not more; more repressive, not less. It takes us farther from a resolution to Burma's nightmare not closer.

We need to heed the lessons of this experience in whatever steps we take in the future. We cannot afford to take steps, however well intentioned, that set back the cause of democracy and justice and hope for Burma even further. It is the people of Burma who ultimately pay the price for such mistakes - and this is a price that my fellow citizens simply cannot afford.

But, at the same time, we cannot afford inaction. The suffering of the people of Burma cries out for action - action that will break the stalemate with the generals and move negotiations forward. Action that is informed by the lessons of the past and guided by a vision of the future. We believe that to break the stalemate requires two simultaneous actions:

First, maintaining and strengthening international pressure - both political and economic - on the regime so that it understands clearly that the international community DOES care about the brutal repression of the people of Burma and that there is and will be a price to pay for their behavior. As we have seen last year, the moment that the regime feels that it will NOT be held accountable, that their actions are being accepted or condoned, that they can get away with their repression and brutality with impunity, then repression will increase, not decrease. We are committed to doing whatever we can to maintain and strengthen international support for our cause through economic and political pressure on the military regime.

We, of course, are not the first to be in the position that we find ourselves. People from South Africa to Eastern Europe to East Asia have suffered enormously at the hands of brutal and ruthless regimes that seemed at the time to be immovable. Leaders and activists from all of these countries have told the world that it was international pressure - political and economic - that played a critical role in saving lives and ultimately allowed the winds of change to blow down the walls of oppression.

We cannot and we will not cease our efforts to increase this pressure. Clearly, this pressure is having an impact. Foreign investment has been reduced to practically nothing. The inflation rate is between 40 and 50%. Foreign debt is at roughly $7 billion dollars. Lt. General Khin Nyunt has recognized publicly that economic sanctions are hurting Burma's fragile economy. This economic pressure, combined with the gross economic mismanagement of the regime, is simply not sustainable.

And, so, the attitudes of the regime towards even the idea of negotiations with the legitimate leadership of Burma, the National League for Democracy, has shown signs of change. Ten years ago Gen. Saw Maung, the head of SLORC, scoffed at the idea of dialogue. Now, the regime is arguing that dialogue can, indeed, happen. They, of course, insist that they dictate all of the terms and conditions for dialogue, but at the very least, they have stopped scoffing and insisting that dialogue is unnecessary and unacceptable.

I submit that this change of attitude, reflected as recently as this Spring in an interview with General Khin Nyunt in Faits and Protects Magazine in France, is occurring not because the regime is suddenly seeing the light, it is because it is feeling the heat. After ten years of failed government, the junta is facing an acute political crisis. The international community must continue to keep this heat turned up if meaningful dialogue will one day to become a reality.

But, as important as this pressure is, it is not enough. While we keep the pressure on, we must look for ways to open new opportunities for dialogue and seek the involvement of our friends, particularly our Asian friends, to help create these opportunities.

There is a basis for opening dialogue between the SPDC and the NLD. While General Khin Nyunt was telling a French magazine that he favored a process of dialogue that involved initial contact followed by confidence building, the leader of our party, Aung San Suu Kyi was telling Asiaweek that the NLD was supportive of starting lower level negotiations and genuine political dialogue.

Dialogue is possible. Indeed, it is inevitable. What is required is a concerted international effort to call for the start of genuine political dialogue. There is no more important source for this call than right here in Asia by leaders of nations who recognize that the political stalemate and the deteriorating conditions within Burma negatively affect the entire region. But we also need this call to ring from nations throughout the world. Just as the participants in this conference can and must continue to play an important role in maintaining the economic and political pressure that is necessary for change, so you can also play a role in encouraging your governments to join in the call for meaningful political dialogue.

We all share a commitment to a free and just Burma. We also share a frustration that we appear to be no closer to our dream now than we were ten years ago. But, let us learn from the lessons of the past - not only the lesson of the failure of engagement when Burma was allowed into ASEAN without conditions, a failure that led to even more brutal repression - but let us also learn the lesson that strong and consistent economic and political pressure has lead to the overturn of brutal, totalitarian regimes and the liberation of long suffering people throughout the world.

Who would have predicted two years ago, that Indonesians would today be engaged in a process of democratic elections in a post-Suharto era? That the people of East Timor would be allowed to decide their future by themselves? Or that the people of Nigeria would be busy re-building a democratic post-Abacha Nigeria? Their dreams are being realized because of the courage of their convictions and the support of friends and supporters throughout the world. I, and my elected colleagues in the National Coalition Government of the Union of Burma, remain steadfast in our conviction that the cause of justice and democracy will prevail in Burma. We deeply appreciate your continued and unwavering friendship and support. Together, like so many in the world who have overcome enormous obstacles to realize freedom, we will prevail.